By Sheldon Ranz

As the political chaos of redistricting finally, mercifully, comes to an end in New York State with the Democratic primaries for Congress and the State Senate on August 23, a new order of progressive leadership could emerge. There’s State Senator Alessandra Biaggi running for House District 17 (against Sean Maloney), Brittany Ramos DeBarros taking on Max Rose and possibly incumbent Nicole Malliotakis in House District 11; and Melanie D’arrigo running for House District 3 (Nassau County). There’s a rush of new enthusiasm for re-electing Rep. Jamaal Bowman because, with the albatross of his old Riverdale constituency no longer hanging around his neck, he was freed up to endorse the Palestinian Right of Return (BDS Demand #3) at the behest of Rep. Rashida Tlaib several months ago.

The most important August 23rd contest is the Democratic primary for U.S. House District 10. In a solidly blue new (no incumbent) district, the winner of the primary is all but certain to represent the District in Congress. The District reflects the 2020 Census results, consisting of Manhattan’s Chinatown, Greenwich Village, Wall Street and the Financial District, and the Lower East Side; as well as Brooklyn’s Park Slope, Sunset Park (Brooklyn’s Chinatown) and Borough Park. The latter two areas have large Latino and Orthodox Jewish neighborhoods. There are over 12 candidates vying for this seat, and Social Democrats USA endorses the only consistent progressive in the race, Assemblymember Yuh-Line Niou.

She has been advocating for New Yorkers in government for over a decade, first as Chief of Staff to Assemblymember Ron Kim. In 2016, she was elected in a historic landslide victory to represent New York’s 65th Assembly District, becoming the first AAPI (Asian American Pacific Islander) woman in the NYS Assembly and the first Asian-American to represent Manhattan’s Chinatown in the State Legislature. Yuh-Line helped form New York State’s first-ever Asian Pacific- American Legislative Task Force.

As SDUSA noted in our prior endorsement of Assemblymember Niou in Nine for New York, she secured a record $550 million in funding for the NYC Housing Authority for capital repairs to its crippling infrastructure and voted for the successful repeal of Bill 50-A, which shielded police misconduct and police brutality from public scrutiny. As an Elizabeth Warren endorser in 2020, she helped maintain the working alliance between Warren supporters and Berniecrats within the sex work decriminalization movement. Niou was one of the first public figures to speak out against then-NY Governor Andrew Cuomo when news of his abusive conduct was revealed. In the past six years, she has been the prime sponsor of 15 bills that became law, including one establishing a toll-free hotline for complaints of workplace sexual harassment.

Niou advocates single-payer health care, the Green New Deal, investment in public housing and eliminating the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency. If elected to Congress, she intends to make predatory lending a target, based on feedback from her constituents. Unlike her fellow Democratic candidates Carlina Rivera or Dan Goldman, she doesn’t take huge gobs of real estate contributions; unlike Liz Holtzman, she wants to cancel student loan debt. If she wins, Niou — whose parents emigrated to the U.S. from Taiwan when she was a child — would become only the second Asian-American elected to Congress from New York, after Grace Meng.

Of all the major candidates running for this Congressional seat, Niou is the only one who has brought up foreign policy in a serious manner – she didn’t have to, but she did anyway – by announcing her support for BDS. She did this not just in terms of supporting someone having a civil right to engage in a boycott per se, but stated her agreement with the overall stance of the movement in support of Palestinian human rights. Unsurprisingly, she has been deluged with attacks from the other candidates and the print media on this matter, but has stood firm. Both in her policies and in her outlook, Yuh-Line Niou is very much the social democrat. She has used government to direct resources toward the needy and the marginalized in order to achieve a more egalitarian society, and is willing to take risks on the diplomatic front to achieve the same goal on a more global scale.

Sheldon Ranz is Director of Special Projects for Social Democrats USA and the editor of Socialist Currents.


SDUSA’S National Executive Committee unanimously (6-0) passed the following resolution last evening:

SDUSA resoundingly, profoundly, and robustly condemns the U.S. Supreme Court’s 6-3 Dobbs decision to overturn Roe V Wade that destroys women’s reproductive rights in our lifetime.  By taking away the right to privacy for all childbearing-aged women in America and by removing away their right to control their own bodies, their futures and the futures of their families the court has made Americans who might become pregnant – and their partners if they have them – into second-class citizens. By arguing that ths right to privacy does not exist in the U.S. Constitution, the court is also setting up millions of Americans to lose the rights they have had to equality in marriage, sexuality and possibly even education.  Clarence Thomas’s concurring opinion leaves the argument open to overturn Griswald, Lawrence, Obergerfeld and even Brown v. Board of Education. Pro-life zealotry may be a motivating factor, but really we are being put on notice that it is time to say goodbye to all those Supreme Court decisions since the 1950s that have made us a fairer, freer and more equal society.

The question of when life begins – whether at conception or after “quickening” (i.e. after the baby starts to kick) or at the point of viability is one for theologians and lay people alike to debate for all time.  And to be sure there are members of the Court who deeply believe that abortion of any kind is murder, but these “pro-life” zealots are not now, nor do they ever take into consideration the lives that these “saved” babies might have or the damage that their mothers might suffer by having to bear unwanted pregnancies.  This ruling and the laws that enshrine this gutting of Roe have no exceptions for victims of rape, or rape-incest, or even if the life of the mother is at stake.  And the immature and frankly silly notion that all problems associated with unwanted pregnancies and birth are solved by “safe harbor” laws and/or the ability to adopt out solves very little.

The foster care systems which exist in our different states are woefully inadequate, and do not begin to take care of the children of all races in their charge, and unfortunately people are not exactly tripping over themselves to adopt black and brown children anywhere in the country.  Even when the system encourages adoption it takes a long time for qualified parents to be united with the children they want to adopt, and too often these children languish in one foster care home after another never going through proper stages of development which would allow them to thrive as they grow up.

By the same token the damage that women who are forced to carry unwanted babies to term is immeasurable – not only for the women but also for other children in the family and for the unwanted children themselves.  The economic consequences of having unwanted children can play out over more that two generations, and the damage done to teenage girls who are victims or rape or rape-incest are immeasurable.  But the people who have championed these laws are not concerned with the quality of life that these ‘saved” babies or their parents or their siblings might have, nor do they care about the cost to society.

The Right Wing of American politics started organizing around the anti-abortion position in 1978 when Paul Weyrich and Jerry Falwell realized the power that they could amass by doing so.  Up until then abortion was seen as an issue for Catholics and one that could (and would) split the working class and drive conservative Catholics from the Democratic Party.  In 1980 Reagan realized how he could attract Catholics and Evangelicals by taking an anti-abortion stand, even though he had not held that position while he was the governor of California.  And the Bushes (Barbara and George H.W. and Prescott) had all been big supporters of Planned Parenthood.

The Right Wing of American politics started its assault on the rest of us in the late 1970’s and really went into high gear with the Reagan Administration and everyday thereafter.  They want power and they want control over our lives. and they do not want women, or minorities, or non-heterosexuals to have power over our politics, our laws, our courts or our own lives or bodies.  And now that they have control of the US Supreme Court (having stolen at least one seat) they are not done by making abortion illegal and guns of all kinds legal, they’re coming after reproductive rights/freedoms, and all the decisions which stem from the right to privacy.  And not only are they advocating stiff penalties for women who might get abortions they are going after any health professional or anyone who might perform an abortion or council a woman about her choices.  And furthermore they are deputizing individuals to become their armies of vigilantes to sue anyone who tries to get an abortion.  Fortunately, we have states which will provide access to abortion and contraception and help people to choose what’s best for them, but the chaos that will come to pass is unimaginable, and if the Republicans in the House and Senate take over there will be a national federal ban, and then who knows what? Underground abortion railroads?

It is up to us Social Democrats to do what we can to work with unions and health-care providers to hold the line, to prevent the worst-case scenarios from coming to pass!


Editor’s Note: Continuing our retrospective on the American “sewer socialism” movement.

By Jason Sibert

Sewer socialism was a municipal movement in early to mid-20th century America that sought to make the lives of big and mid-sized cities better in several ways. Advocates of sewer socialism municipalized natural monopolies like sewers, trash collection, and electrical grids, and they worked to deliver quality public services to the residents of the cities they served – public safety, fire, education, (public) hospitals, and infrastructure. In addition, they also sought to be good stewards of the people’s money and fought corruption, as this set of politicians knew working class and poor people couldn’t afford to have their money wasted. Sewer socialists also, although not always, supported organized labor.

Any 21st century sewer socialism should include pushes for municipal wi-fi, municipal retail brokerage companies, municipally subsidized housing co-ops, maybe municipally subsidized retail co-ops, and an emphasis on quality fire protection, infrastructure, public safety, and education. A modern version of sewer socialism, like its 20th century ancestor, should emphasize that it can use taxpayers’ money wisely, as many taxpayers have modest means.

Modern sewer socialist movements should promote the cause of a powerful labor movement, and it might not take the AFL-CIO form. Sure, sewer socialists can assure trade unions gain work from city contracts, but it must reach portions of the workforce that are not heavily unionized and not well paid. Amy Qin’s piece New York and California Experiment with Giving Workers a Say in Industry Standards gives those who believe in a modernized sewer socialism a guidebook for empowering working people. The story concentrates on service workers, a big part of our economy, and points out that less than three percent of fast-food workers and one percent of nail salon workers are unionized. California, a state with more than half a million fast food employees (more than any state in the county), is considering a bill to address the exploitation in that industry. The Fast-Food Accountability and Standards Recovery Act (FFASRA) would make franchisers liable for labor violations of their franchisees and would also protect workers who speak up. The FFASRA introduces something even more interesting – a workers’ council. The 11-member Fast Food Sector Council, which includes workers, worker advocates, regulators, franchisees and franchisers would be appointed by the state to set sector-wide policy on wages, working hours, and health and safety regulations. The idea is that workers know what violations are occurring, and franchisees know how they’re being squeezed. In addition, the council would let them simultaneously bring their issues to corporate representatives and regulators, who have the power to change profit structures and working conditions.

Since 2018, four states and three localities have instituted workers’ councils in sectors from domestic work to agriculture. In Philadelphia, a domestic workers’ council is facilitating the country’s first portable paid leave system, so workers can accrue time off across multiple employers.  In New York, the Nail Salon Minimum Standards Act would create a workers’ council with business owners, government delegates, and workers in 15 voter seats. It has the power to recommend a statewide pricing model, addressing the race to the bottom that’s pushing salon owners to cut corners and wages. Sector-based councils aren’t new, as President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal featured them in the National Recovery Administration (NRA). There were problems with the NRA; some employers cheated on the established rules and the whole program was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. Features of the NRA were later included in New Deal pro-labor legislation like the minimum wage and the Wagner Act as well as in the regulation of utility industries – airlines, trucking, and busses. Qin points out that such boards would be a boon to industries that are hard to unionize or where there are few unions.

Sewer socialist mayors, aldermen and alderwomen need to work on creating workers’ councils in their respective municipalities. This would make life easier for the urban, suburban, and rural working class. It might also serve as an example for bigger, federal programs down the road and strengthen social democratic tendencies in our country.

Jason Sibert is the Executive Director of the Peace Economy Project in St. Louis.

Pro-Choice At Conception: One Social Democrat’s Story

By Susan Stevens

Up until recently, I’d seen the “abortion debate” as between those who believe, as I do, that human life begins at conception, and those who define the embryo based on their feelings about a particular pregnancy. As I’ve grown increasingly progressive, and seen that the candidates and movements that I’m most aligned with overall are also pro-choice, I’ve moved, first, into the camp of accepting that abortion is like the thorn that comes with every rose — something I just need to shut my mouth about to be able to collaborate with people whom I share so many values with – to, second, understanding that it’s all about reverencing the personal privacy and bodily autonomy of the pregnant woman.

Most Americans agree that there are certain dire situations in which abortion is the most compassionate option. Most would feel, for example, that a rape victim should not be forced to carry the resultant pregnancy. What many don’t realize is that the only way for her to have speedy access to the needed medical care is for any pregnant girl/woman to have that same immediate access. The least-risky abortions are performed as early as possible, so creating a bunch of legal hoops to jump through, such as, for instance, requiring a police report to be made accusing a man of rape, or hearings to take place, can delay things and lead to much greater health risks — not to mention false accusations being made by some desperate individuals. We must respect the person closest to the situation, by entrusting them with the space and resources they need to get themselves onto a path of living, breathing and thriving.

Abortion is the “moral” coat of paint that the right keeps slapping onto their fences erected to divide the 99% who would otherwise unite around our common economic interests. They hold themselves up as defenders of “the sanctity of human life,” while rejecting lifesaving and life-affirming policies like healthcare, food, and housing as human rights, protections against all forms of discrimination, free childcare and public higher education, student loan forgiveness, and good public transportation. This does not mean that none of the individuals identifying as “pro-life” have compassion for people once they’re born. Having grown up in fundamentalist Christianity, I personally know conservative Christians who practice radical hospitality and sacrificial giving towards single mothers and others who are struggling. While I disagree with their defining as sinful anyone who doesn’t adhere to certain Stone Age SOPs, it’s dishonest and unhelpful to dismiss them as lacking in compassion.

What’s honest and helpful, as social democrats, is for us to uphold policies that are rooted in, and flowing from, a trust in human beings. Access to comprehensive sex education and birth control greatly reduces the risk of unwanted pregnancy. Implementing all the aforementioned lifesaving and life-affirming social and economic policies expand the array of options for people grappling with unplanned pregnancy. Lastly, social democracy is all about a concept I was introduced to by New York Assemblywoman and Congressional candidate Yuh-Line Niou: giving those closest to the pain the access to the tools to effect the change.

I have been out engaging with my neighbors in my State of Kansas, urging them to vote NO on an amendment that Republican legislators have added to our August 2 ballot. If passed, the amendment would remove the right to abortion from our state Constitution and empower legislators to impose restrictions — such as the restrictions that recently forced a ten-year-old rape victim in Ohio to travel to Indiana to terminate the resultant pregnancy (https://www.newsweek.com/shes-10-child-rape-victims-abortion-denial-sparks-outrage-twitter-1721248). If this little girl had not had the means to travel, she would have been forced to bear her rapist’s child — and there are Indiana legislators eager to enact their own restrictions, so she made it just in the nick of time!

The heartening thing is that most of my neighbors here in my working-class community already understand both the need to allow those closest to a painful situation the space and privacy to decide their next steps and the need to entrust these individuals – and not those attempting to rule over them — with the power of choice. Indeed, several powerful pieces of good that may come out of all this craziness is a return to solidarity among the working people and a sense of urgency about voting and being politically engaged. If all these blatant attempts to strip us of our most basic power lead us to fully reclaim them and make them an inseparable part of who we are, then I’ll be glad for whatever it took for us to hear the alarm and wake up!

Susan Stevens is the Chair of the Kansas City, Kansas chapter of Social Democrats USA.


Editor’s Note: Continuing our retrospective on the American “sewer socialism” movement.

By Jason Sibert

Like urban America in general, Schenectady, a mini-metro area located in upstate New York, possesses a fascinating history. Located just 15 miles southeast of the state capital of Albany, it once attracted immigrants from eastern and southern Europe in the early part of the 20th century. Many came to fill industrial jobs in the booming factory economy. It also attracted African Americans in the Great Migration from the rural south to the industrial urban north. General Electric and American Locomotive Company played a big role in the industrial economy of the day.

The city suffered through the Great Depression when it lost jobs, like the country in general. Late in the 20th century, the city – like many cities in New York – lost industrial jobs. Schenectady experienced a revitalization in the 21st century, as it became a renewable energy hub with GE establishing a renewable energy center. The population rebounded from 2000 to 2010. Numerous small businesses, retail stores and restaurants have developed on State Street downtown.

In the early 20th century, the city played a role in the movement sometimes called “sewer socialism, “a term that meant an efficient delivery of public services and support for unions on a municipal level. There was also support for social insurance on the state level in the case of workmen’s compensation and on the national level. In addition, sewer socialists fought for the municipalization of functions such as trash collection, sewers, and electrical grids. Schenectady had a socialist mayor, George Lunn, who served in the office twice from 1912 to 1913 and again from 1916 to 1917. Lunn was originally a man of the cloth, graduating from Union Theological Seminary and then pursuing a career in the ministry. Lunn served as a Presbyterian minister in New York City and as a Dutch Reformed minister in Schenectady. He considered himself a Christian Socialist.

As mayor of Schenectady, Lunn was invited to speak in favor of the 1912 Little Falls Textile Strike in a public park but was denied that right by city officials. Refusing to be silenced, Lunn read from the Gettysburg address and was one of four people arrested for “inciting to riot.”  In terms of legislative accomplishments, he moved quickly to reform the city, raising the pay for municipal workers and introducing the novelty of accepting bids for city contracts. He reassessed property, raising the business district’s taxes by $2 million and cutting taxes on workers’ homes by $300,000. Lunn also started free trash collection, free dental care and bought tracts of lands to create the city’s still-existing parks

One interesting historical note: famed journalist Walter Lippman worked for Lunn as his secretary. This chapter of Lippman’s life is covered in Ronald Steel’s biography “Walter Lippman and the American Century.” Lippman started his political life as a Socialist Party member but broke with it due to differences over World War I and his belief that the Lunn administration didn’t go far enough; a curious fact because Lippman was very much a part of the reformist wing of the SP.

Lunn later became a Democrat, attending the Democratic National Conventions in 1920, 1924, 1928, 1932, and 1936. Lunn became the Democratic Lt. Governor of New York from 1923 to 1924. In 1925, he was appointed to the New York Public Service Commission where he served until 1942. Lunn passed away in 1948. Bill Buell’s book “George Lunn: the 1912 Socialist Victory in Schenectady” provides a good overview of the socialist mayor’s career. To all interested public servants, Lunn’s mayoral career provides a good template for a modern version of sewer socialism!

Jason Sibert is the Executive Director of the Peace Economy Project in St. Louis.