Statement from the Chairs:
We have received some comments that our use of language in referring to transgender people like Katherine and Seamus was incorrect and even offensive. Admittedly, this is new territory for us. We apologize for any offense. We have re-crafted the statement as follows:
Recent bomb threats at the University of Pittsburgh have led authorities to question Seamus Johnston and Katherine Anne McCloskey.
Katherine was formerly known as Gabe Ross. Gabe Ross was executive director of our organization from 2007-2009. Neither Katherine nor Seamus are currently members of Social Democrats USA. They hold no official positions and are not associated with SDUSA in any way.
On February 2, 2012 the Occupy Buffalo encampment on Niagara Square was evicted. Michael Mottern, Chair of the Young Social Democrats has been a leader of Occupy Buffalo from the beginning. Enclosed are his thoughts about the achievements of the movement, its eviction, and its aftermath.
Glenn King
Occupy Buffalo: Eviction, Aftermath, and Achievements
On February 2, 2012, at approximately 2 AM in the morning the Occupy Buffalo encampment was evicted, and 10 people were arrested – one of them was my friend “Big John Washington.” This was after three days of debate in Occupy Buffalo emergency general assembly meetings over whether the movement should accept a five week extension of its stay in Niagara Square from the Buffalo Common Council. After that extension they would have to leave anyway because the city needed the space for the coming festival season – a major fund raiser for the city. Since a majority of the general assembly opposed the Common Council proposal it was rejected.
It has been claimed that the Occupy Buffalo movement accomplished nothing. The fact is that it accomplished a lot. Perhaps the most significant concrete political achievement of the Occupy Buffalo movement was its campaign against the Niagara Frontier Transportation Authority (NFTA) to raise the city’s bus fares while simultaneously reducing its bus routes. Approximately 2 weeks before Occupy Buffalo’s eviction, the Authority put 42 bus routes on the chopping block, most of them going out to the suburbs and serving working-class Americans especially the disabled. Occupy Buffalo distributed 7000 flyers, and packed the public hearings against the budget cuts with very vocal opponents, most of them individuals with disabilities. They demanded that the NFTA turnover valuable waterfront property to the city of Buffalo, to further develop Buffalo’s waterfront, and stood against increasing the fares, as well as line cuts. The result of all of this political activity was that while the NFTA did ultimately rise its fares, it did not cut the city’s bus routes.
Other significant Occupy Buffalo actions were:
The Occupy Buffalo Movement’s tireless work to get the Buffalo Common Council to divest from doing business with Chase Bank. Movement members attended every cCmmon Council meeting, every committee meeting, and public hearings, exercising their civic responsibility and their national duty as good citizens.
The Occupy Buffalo Movement’s success in unearthing Gov. Cuomo’s $1 billion scam to fund a public-private medical complex, with taxpayer dollars and eliminate low income housing in the hospital corridor of Buffalo’s East Side.
The Movement’s very successful rally in Amherst, New York, a suburb of Buffalo, to protest the Steven J. Baum law firm. This law firm dealt with 40% of New York State foreclosures, and was under investigation by the New York State Bar Association for unethical business practices regarding foreclosures on working-class citizens in New York State.
Finally it can be said that the Occupy Buffalo Movement can be called a model protest for the rest of America because it has worked tirelessly with the city government, and coalition partners like, Citizen Action, Coalition for Economic Justice, Western New York Peace Center, and a dozen or so unions that showed Occupy Buffalo in a very favorable light with the news media on Workers Appreciation Day, etc.
Occupy Buffalo has made national news, regarding its good relationship with City Hall and its peaceful protesters that on the final hour were willing to go to jail for what they believed. It is the model protest for the rest of the nation because without knowing it, they took a Max Shachtman’s social democratic and reasonable approach to civic diplomacy, as opposed to that of America’s more revolutionary political sects.
The eviction of Occupy Buffalo from Niagara Squire has not ended the movement or even weakened it. Since the eviction, the general assembly has been even more attended, and is currently hosting a meeting at the local Spot Coffee to discuss purchasing a building off the city on their own. They have raised over $12,000.00, money contributed by the general public, and by the unions. They agreed to pay back the city for damages done to the grass, and one light post. I believe we will eventually get our Center for Social Justice in due time.
But for now we have to focus on the next chapter of the Occupy Buffalo Movement. That of course will mean more public meetings with elected officials, and general assembly meeting in Niagara square. But our spirits are still high, and the movement is not going away any time soon.
Michael Mottern
Last night I was watching the Super Tuesday election results on MSNBC. By 11:00 PM Eastern time they still weren’t calling the race in Ohio, so the pundits were just sitting around mulling over the possibilities. Lawrence O’Donnell, the only self declared socialist that I know of in mainstream TV, made some interesting comments. He said he was hoping for a Santorum victory in the primaries so that in the general election we could have a real contrast between a centrist Democrat and a right wing theocratic Republican. He predicted that the ensuing landslide for Obama would provide the Republican Party with the ammunition necessary to dump these fringe candidates and opt for candidates who advocate compromise and good governance.
O’Donnell’s comments prompted me to reflect on the divide that is now evident amongst Republicans. Everyone sees at the moment that a very vocal far-right minority in the Republican Party is driving the bus. This minority is led by the clownish Rush Limbaugh who stated last week that women who use birth control are whores. It is not remarkable that Rush made these comments; he makes $30M a year talking like that. What is remarkable is that the Republican candidates didn’t denounce his comments. The best that Romney could say was that he “wouldn’t have used those words”, implying that he agreed with substance of Limbaugh’s comments. Santorum dismissed the comments by saying that Rush is in the entertainment business, but like Mitt, he wouldn’t say that he disagreed with Rush’s premise. Unfortunately for the GOP, this extremism will keep them out of the White House until the GOP leaders can change the dynamic within their party. Their radical fringe positions on just about every issue place them far to the right of even Ronald Reagan who, despite his rhetoric, was willing to negotiate with his opponents to get things done. Clearly describing the current chasm in the Republican Party, Barbara Bush was quoted yesterday as saying, “I think it’s been the worst campaign I’ve ever seen in my life. I hate that people think compromise is a dirty word. It’s not a dirty word.”
But the dogma of the far Right isn’t limited to social issues; it has an economic component as well. As true capitalists, they believe the market can fix everything. They are adamantly opposed to stimulus packages or deficit spending during recession. Of course, anyone who’s been awake during the past 3 years has seen that the market did not self-repair. Banks and companies have been sitting on mountains of cash, but have not injected that capital back into our economy. It has only been government intervention through deficit spending that has kept our country from total collapse. In Marxist terms, the current crisis was caused by moving resources from labor to capital. What is very interesting now is that folks on Wall Street are actually saying this. Who would believe that capitalists would even utter the name Marx! A number of recent articles in financial rags have been pointing to the problem caused in a consumer society when people are poor. Did I just hear a capitalist say, “too much disparity of wealth”! They have finally recognized that poor people don’t actually go shopping as much the middle class does. Well la-dee-dah.
Henry Ford pondered the question, “who is going to buy all these cars that my assembly lines can produce?” His answer was to pay his workers more than the prevailing wage so that they could buy cars. Not exactly rocket science, but it worked. Most of today’s capitalists aren’t schooled in pragmatism, but but some have amazingly concluded that underconsumption isn’t good for business. Again, not rocket science. Now they are calling for government intervention in complete contradiction to their pure market mantra. Capitalists are in affect saying, “take this gun out of my hand before I kill myself and everyone around me.” I won’t claim that this attitude is sweeping Wall Street, but the fact that it is being talked about in the WSJ and Financial Times might imply an awakening of sorts. Marx taught us that capitalism is self-destructive. Capitalists, when left to their own devices, will create an underclass that will eventually rise up and destroy them. Some capitalists now see it— not in a revolutionary sense, but in a simple pragmatic sense that it’s hard be in business when there are no customers.
These Wall Street pundits are clearly at odds with the current crop of Republican candidates. And it reflects the gulf within the Republican Party. Will this affect the outcome of the election? I think Obama already has the Wall Street vote, so this is just one more nail in the GOP coffin. It is, however, some small vindication for us who believe in good government, a government that allows what is good in the marketplace but restricts capitalism’s inherent destructive nature, a government that works for the good of all Americans, a government that combines the ideologies of both Teddy Roosevelt and Franklin Roosevelt, a government that is patriotic in the true sense.
Here’s a short video from the Financial Times.
The Grantham article from the Wall Street Journal.
For additional comments from the financial world, see this piece by Louis Proyect.
Steve Weiner is a member of the National Committee of the SDUSA. He is also the editor / writer of the Suspicious Humanist, a magazine that is published both on and off line. Steve has a long term interest in George Orwell and in the issues of totalitarianism, anti-Zionism, and anti-Semitism in the Left. Enclosed are some recent articles from the magazine by Steve regarding these themes.
The George Orwell Issue
I wanted to reprint these pieces because of the continuing anti-Israel propaganda war that too many otherwise decent people are falling for. In the Western sector of the world, young people (in particular), appear now to be quite anti-Israel. I believe that the basis of this attitude is primarily the view that the Palestinians are indigenous non-white people brutally colonized by the white Jews. This is a great over-simplification.
In fact, about half of the Israeli Jewish population isn’t of European ancestry, but from Arab or Muslim countries. The Muslim world also bears some of the responsibility for the horrendous condition of Jews. President Obama said in his Cairo speech to the Muslim world that Jews were mistreated not only by the Nazis but much more globally. The following piece by George Orwell offers a vivid portrayal of Moroccan Jews in the old Ghetto.
Steve Weiner
Collected Essays, Journalism & Letters, Orwell, An Age Like This 1920-1940,
Volume 1
by George Orwell
Editors Sonia Orwell, Ian Angus, Nonpareil Books, Boston, 1968, p. 389-390
Marrakech
When you go through the Jewish quarters you gather some ideas of what the medieval ghettos were probably like. Under their Moorish rulers the Jews were only allowed to own land in certain restricted areas and after centuries of this kind of treatment they have ceased to bother about overcrowding. Many of the streets are a good deal less than six feet wide, the houses are completely windowless, and sore-eyed children cluster everywhere in unbelievable numbers, like clouds of flies. Down the center of the street there is generally running a little river of urine.
In the bazaar huge families of Jews, all dressed in the long black robe and little black skull-cap, are working in dark fly-infested booths that look like caves. A carpenter sits cross-legged at a prehistoric lathe, turning chair-legs at lightning speed. He works the lathe with a bow in his right hand and guides the chisel with his left foot, and thanks to a lifetime of sitting in this position his left leg is warped out of shape. At his side his grandson, aged six, is already starting on the simpler parts of the job.
I was just passing the coppersmiths’ booths when somebody noticed that I was lighting a cigarette. Instantly, from the dark holes all round, there was a frenzied rush of Jews, many of them old grandfathers with flowing grey beards, all clamoring for a cigarette. Even a blind man somewhere at the back of one of the booths heard a rumour of cigarettes and came crawling out, groping in the air with his hand. In about a minute I had used up the whole packet. None of these people, I suppose, works less than twelve hours a day, and every one of them looks on a cigarette as a more or less impossible luxury.
As Jews live in self-contained communities they follow the same trades as the Arabs, except for agriculture. Fruit-sellers, potters, silversmiths, blacksmiths, butchers, leather- workers, tailors, water-carriers, beggars, porters—whichever way you look you see nothing but Jews. As a matter of fact there are thirteen thousand of them, all living in the space of a few acres. A good job Hitler isn’t here. Perhaps he is on his way, however. You hear the usual dark rumours about Jews, not only from the Arabs but from the poorer Europeans.
“Yes, mon vieux, they took my job away from me and gave it to a Jew. The Jews! They’re the real rulers of this country, you know. They’ve got all the money. They control the banks, finance— everything.”
“But,” I said, “isn’t it a fact that the average Jew is a labourer working for about a penny an hour?”
Jews.” “Ah, that’s only for show! They’re all moneylenders really. They’re cunning, the
In just the same way, a couple of hundred years ago, poor old women used to be burned for witchcraft when they could not even work enough magic to get themselves a square meal.
—Written in 1939
Orwell After 1984: Why He Still Matters
By Steve Weiner, originally published in 1984
It would be a pity, particularly for those of the social democratic persuasion, if George Orwell’s radiance were to fade gradually in the years to come, each of them further away from the real year 1984 and, perhaps, further away also from the hard, unmistakable totalitarianism depicted in Nineteen Eighty-Four. True, perhaps both fascism and Leninism are in retreat around the world (we can only hope!). I, however, increasingly feel that Orwell’s greatest contribution was not his anti-totalitarianism, but his refusal to sentimentalize (his word) the oppressed, unlike most left-wing intellectuals who tend to draw essentially mystical conclusions about their ability to redeem the world. I have the impression that he felt that such idealizing was itself part of the structure of totalitarianism, the apologetics reinforcing the concrete of raw power.
It’s in 1937s The Road to Wigan Pier that his anti-sentimentalism is most brilliant. His shrewd and hilarious prediction that any proletarian-worshipping left-wing intellectual would swing back into ordinary middle-class snobbishness after getting into a fight with a drunken fish-porter on Saturday night, is unequalled in the literature of political honesty. In the second section of Wigan, he analyzes the obnoxiousness of socialist dogmatism even as he reaffirms his belief that socialism is the only solution to the horrors of capitalism’s Depression. This is truly heroic because he lays out his own class prejudices for all to see. He also provides a lot of detail concerning his convoluted efforts (inevitably only partly successful), including a plunge into the near-lumpenproletariat, to overcome them. This honest approach is in vivid contrast to the orthodox mentality of most left-wing intellectuals, which demands ridiculous rituals of hypocritical self-abasement about one’s origins and privileges; Orwell nailed this with the observation that nearly all bourgeois-baiting came from people who were bourgeois themselves.
A related shrewd observation: radical ideological extremism is often undergirded by the secret conviction that the status quo is in fact immovable. I must say, I’ve had a vague feeling for years that this is the case as I’ve observed the stridency of the hard Left. I could never quite put my finger on it, and I still don’t think anyone can definitively prove it, but I believe this phenomenon is real and explains some of the psychological collapse of the New Left. It can probably be accounted for by the explanation provided by John Fowles in The Aristos— namely, that absolute ideologies, and the ideologues energized by them, need their seeming opposites, and in fact don’t really wish their disappearance. It takes a moderate radical to see this.
No one will ever fully or easily account for Eric Blair’s transformation from offspring of a conventional Anglo-Indian imperial family to George Orwell, the person who probably did more than any other to undermine permanently the worst smugness of left-wing intellectuals. There were of course stops along the way, doing the dirty work of the Empire in Burma, and tramping (or, as we would say, homelessness). Orwell’s friend T.R. “Tosco” Fyvell in his 1982 biography doesn’t pretend to understand all the mysteries either, but he does strongly make the point that young Eric arrived at his first snobbish boarding school as an already guilt-stricken small boy who was father to the relentlessly honest man.
Was Orwell a saint? No, of course not, and his attitude toward the Jews is a case in point. He came from an undeniably anti-Jewish background and, before Hitler came to power, permitted himself nasty comments. Orwell took the position that the anti-Jewish slurs had completely different meanings before and after 1933, and to his credit they completely disappeared from his writing then. But he apparently didn’t subject his anti-Jewish prejudices to the same kind of scrutiny and correction as his class prejudices. Perhaps, as Fyvel suggests, Orwell’s imagination simply didn’t extend to the Jewish plight; perhaps his anti-Zionism precluded this expansion of sympathy.
I find the complexities of his position fascinating. To his credit, he was able to see the Arab case at a time when many decent progressive people, horrified by the Holocaust, couldn’t. Fair enough, up to a point. But his motivations were not pure; he was capable of sneering at British Zionists, in classic bigoted fashion, as a bunch of film industry Jews who controlled the press. He was ahead of many of his contemporaries on the Left in seeing that the Arabs could be viewed as colonial victims, but he was behind many decent people, then and now, in not seeing that the Jewish tragedy was unique and Zionism was not unprovoked imperialism. Interestingly, he wrote a short account of Moroccan Jews in his sketch of Marrakesh; the sketch shows that Orwell was capable of instantly comprehending the oppression of the ghettoized Jews by the Muslim Arabs, a fact nearly always unfairly denied by anti-Israel propagandists.
It all confirms for me the basic insight, expressed by too few on the Left, that historical victimhood does not confer automatic moral superiority. The only way out of these frequent dilemmas is to be guided firmly by Orwell’s principle of not sentimentalizing the victim and keeping one’s head to perform very cool (yes, some would say cold) analysis. Too bad Orwell sometimes failed his own method. He was human, all-too-human. Like me and you.
We recognize that the popular fashion within today’s society is to avoid membership in all organizations, especially political ones. However if you believe in the ideas of the SDUSA and hope for the establishment of a far more just society than current day capitalist society, please consider joining the SDUSA. Numbers do matter. The larger a organization’s membership and presence, the more power it has to effect change for justice in this world. Without having this presence and strength even the best of intentions and of ideas will wither and die.
In light of this, the SDUSA National Committee has approved a dues discount for new members. Our normal dues are $40 per year. However, we are offering new members an introductory rate of $10 for the first year. We hope this will be an inducement for you to step up and add your name to our membership roster. You would be helping us a great deal in our work, and we would greatly appreciate it.
Membership matters!